Young Cities

Informality is NOT exclusively a term for slums and poor cities. Although we have discussed informality within the context of the Global South, I believe that we need to remember that informality occurs within cities in Western Europe and the US. Architects have even shed light on this condition in what we may call cities of the Global North. For example, Rem Koolhaas describes in “Delirious New York” behavioral attributes within one of the most regulated cities in the world. Informality is a condition of human behavior and multitude of personalities colliding within a cluster of space. I believe that if the term “Informality” is going to be used specifically towards cities of the Global South, its definition must be detailed more towards slums or a new and more appropriate term must take its place.

Informal, by definition, means, not according to the prescribed, official, or customary way or manner. I believe that as many authors have mentioned, slums exude informality. I also believe that formal cities also exude informality. Not necessarily to the same amount but it is not strictly a quality of slums. There is a clear distinction between what these authors are calling the informal city and the formal city but I don’t believe that it is simply as black and white as formal verse informal. There must be something else that causes this disparity of formality.

Looking back through the histories of formal cities, there was a time when informality had a stronger presence within that society. For example, looking at Italian cities like Florence, before a ruling merchant controlled the entirety of Florence; the city was broken up into hundreds of tower houses that demarcated neighborhoods of powerful families. This same condition is seen in the favelas of Rio De Janiero as described by Daniela Fabricius in “Resisting Representation”. She explains, “If favelas are islands and the city is the sea, then that sea is filled with currents, routes tides…and pirates” (5). Although Florence is considered a formal city today, it was far from formal when it was still a young settlement.

Even age might not be the most appropriate term to explain what occurs in cities of the global south; but, I believe that it is getting at something beyond simply the formal verses the informal. There are slums and favelas which are now receiving infrastructure which made them, by definition, slums for not having them. I am starting to believe that it is just a matter of time before cities of the global south step towards the global north.

The Community of Squatters

In squatter settlements such as Dharavi, it is important to note that the social situation is often not the most pressing issue that needs to be addressed.  Many times, particularly in settlements that have existed for long periods of time, there is a strong sense of community that is not always present in affluent areas.  In Dharavi, people are employed, have a community with similar histories surrounding them, and are proud of how they have improved their own and their family’s situation.

Dharavi has roots going back over one hundred years, and thus has had time to establish itself, its businesses and its neighborhoods, as well as assert its importance within the city.  As it has become more centrally located within Mumbai between two major train routes, Dharavi has become a focus for the city, particularly the politicians.  Multiple redevelopments have been attempted, however, the only truly successful ones included community involvement (Sharma xviii).  A sense of belonging to a group is part of what sets Dharavi apart from many densely populated areas of the world.  People can connect over their common struggle to move upward in society as well as over cultural similarities.

Inhabitants of slums in Mumbai, like the dabbawalas, often live with a group from their home town.  This strengthens the sense of community, and promotes a peaceful environment, not a violent one as many people assume.  For much of its existence Dharavi has been a relatively peaceful place to live. There have been religious riots in recent years, but previous to that, there were seemingly few problems.  This indicates that even in an area of such density containing an enormous variety of people, governmental control is not necessarily the only solution.

Most importantly, while much of the world is in a state of economic distress, Dharavi has avoided many of the problems that come with government involvement in the economy.  As a result, “almost everyone seems to be employed in some kind of work. And many have prospered through a mixture of hard work, some luck and a great deal of ingenuity” (Sharma xxxv).  This is not to say that the working conditions are safe or healthy, quite the contrary, they certainly need to be addressed, but at least many of the residents of Dharavi are employed (Sharma xviii).  The availability of jobs also allows for social mobility, giving many the hope for a rags to riches story of their own.  This is a promising  aspect of the extra-governmental society that has formed within Mumbai, which proves that even without government control, economies can flourish.

Many people consider squatter settlements to be disorganized in every way solely because they often appear so in their physical layout.  With a closer look at Dharavi, it is made clear that just because it do not follow government standards, that does not mean that it is a disorganized place.  In fact, the complex network of dabbawalas that Percot describes illustrates that intense focus on detail and planning.  Without each person being in exactly the correct place at the correct time, the system would fall apart.

The dabbawalas are the perfect example of the successes of informal settlements.  They function as a single organized entity with a complex set of rules that govern their jobs.  They have created a system of symbols that when paired with their extensive route planning allows them to have an efficient system of deliveries throughout Mumbai (Percot 8).  These men all belong to a single community, from a single area of India, so they have a strong sense of solidarity, as well as social control within their group (Percot 4).  Stories like those of the dabbawalas are what make Dharavi such a unique settlement with incredible potential.  They express the highly organized social and economic system that has grown within an ‘illegal’ community.

 

Burdett, Richard, and Deyan Sudjic. “The Static and the Kinetic.” Living in the Endless City: The Urban Age Project by the London School of Economics and Deutsche Bank’s Alfred Herrhausen Society. London: Phaidon, 2011.

Percot, Marie. “Dabbawalas, Tiffin Carriers of Mumbai: Answering a Need for Specific Catering.”

Sharma, Kalpana. Rediscovering Dharavi: Stories from Asia’s Largest Slum

The Future of Squatter Settlements

Squatter settlements have, in recent years, become home to a vast portion of the world’s population. People are moving into the cities to seek out opportunities in alarming quantities, particularly when one considers that cities would have to construct one home each second in order to keep up (Neuwirth xiii). Not only do we not have enough housing to support the influx of people, but the economy simply does not have enough jobs to satisfy the current or future demand (Davis 178). Thus, it is necessary to investigate both the economic, political, and social issues that surround squatter settlements in order to better understand how to improve their conditions.
What is it that causes certain settlements to be well established, permanent parts of a city, and others to be neglected areas with little organization? Some of this can be traced back to the politics in a given country. As Neuwirth notes, Turkey has laws that provide squatters with certain rights; something that most countries would not consider worth their while (Neuwirth 18). However, when such a large portion of the world’s population is living in one form of informal settlement or another, it is a question that many more of the world’s politicians will soon need to address. It is not an option to simply clear the slums in order to remove the population of squatters. This would only make matters worse, since it would cause those in the most need of aid to move farther from the city and its resources, forcing them further into poverty (Beardsley 56). Instead, people from a variety of backgrounds need to come together to form a cohesive plan that is specific to each location. This group would need to include politicians, economists, designers, urban planners, etc., who are open to working to help those who often do not have a voice.
Currently, the world’s economy cannot provide work for all those who need it, and although life in a squatter settlement may be an improvement for many, it is certainly far from ideal. In larger settlements, it is possible to create informal employment opportunities, which gives the inhabitants the opportunity to earn a living (Davis 178). Of course, this system is far from perfect, and there are countless ways to enhance it. Between squatters, economists, and politicians, there must be a way to enhance the strengths of the more successful settlements in order to make them productive parts of the world’s economy.
When discussing squatter settlements, it is also important to note, as Robert Neuwirth does in Shadow Cities, that squatters are an extremely diverse group “with different needs, different incomes, different aspirations, different social standing, different stories” (Neuwirth 14). Settlements vary from a small grouping of dwellings separated by hung carpets, to large, organized cities with permanent structures, indoor plumbing, running water, and even their own government. This means that if there is to be a plan for formalizing, moving, or simply improving the quality of life in these settlements, then there may not be a single solution that will work in every situation. It is vital that politicians faced with situations like this be willing to work with every type of person, particularly since there is such a stigma attached to “slums”.

Neuwirth, Robert. Shadow Cities (London: Routledge, 2004)
Davis, Mike. Planet of Slums (London, New York: Verso, 2006)
Beardsley, John. A Billion Slum Dwellers and Counting (Harvard: Harvard Design Magazine, 2007)