Architects?

“Architecture is a process of giving form and pattern to the social life of the community.  Architecture is not an individual act performed by an artist – architect and charged with his emotions.  Building is a collective action.”  (Hannes Meyer, director of Bauhaus, 1928 to 1930)  I find this quote interesting because I think it implies a certain obligation which every Architect must fulfill in terms of designing for the well being of the human race, however the “emotional egotistic artist – architect” only puts himself before good design.  We, as aspiring architects, must realize how important our work becomes, and how many people are effected by our decisions.

The role of the architect is very dynamic and must be able to provide a service for a wide range of individuals on both side of the economic spectrum.  The Idea of designing with a utopian ideology isn’t realistic enough in order to solve some of the problems, which we face today.  In a perfect world where utopia is attainable and everything is perfect then these ideas would be fine.  However we live in a world that is far from perfect and utopia is just a place, which well-educated artistic architects can speak pedantically for hours everyday and not solve any real issues facing urban areas today.

So what is the architect to do to?  Can design solve issues in areas with an overwhelming plight in areas of extreme poverty?  I’m not sure of the answer to this question, however,  we can start by responding to the issues at hand and not hiding behind our theoretical ideas of the world.  Architects have more power than most people can understand, we must take advantage of our position in society in order to make a difference that impacts people as whole and not just certain individuals with exceptional socioeconomic status’s.

How The Architect Forgot Who Was Being Housed

Housing the general populace is an important goal for successful communities and societies. History has shown numerous examples of architects, governments, non-government organizations and numerous other organizations attempting to provide housing for a general populace that does not have housing do to economic turmoil,  natural disaster, or war. Architects become part of this equations.

Architect have often proposed ideas and schemes to help house the public but often the architects fail because they have fallen into a trap of forgetting the human aspect of their solution. The architect approaches the issue in a far to literal sense and thus end up ignoring the more global aspect of their proposal.

What this means is that housing proposal are designed with specific needs. These criteria are of a certain square footage, a minimum number of amenities and the ability to cheaply house the masses that lack homes. What is forgotten is the people who occupy the spaces. Cost and speed of construction is prioritized over not simply aesthetic but over the way the space will impact and affect the occupants.

A perfect example of this is with the Pruitt-Igoe project in St. Louis. It was a large urban housing project designed by Minoru Yamasaki and initial was met with success but quickly became a run down haven for crime and violence which led to its eventual abandonment and demolition. In this case the design did not take into consideration who the people being housed were. The fact that young children and many single mothers would be living here was forgotten. The fact that the living breathing occupant were imperfect humans was forgotten. This design flaw would lead to the project’s demise. Yamasaki would go on to say “I never thought that people could be so destructive.”

This statement shows how the architect’s failure of design was how they thought about the people. The people were forgotten and thus the project could never succeed. Housing was failing because the architect was thinking about the structure of the house and not the occupants.

<http://rustwire.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/02/Cohn01.jpg>

Hollenbeck, Charles. The Examiner. <http://www.examiner.com/article/what-it-looks-like-when-good-intentions-fail-pruitt-igoe>

 

PRIVA Neighborhood: An ARCHITECT’S Template For Development

Reading Design Like You Give a Damn was eye opening, yet at the same time, made me somewhat dubious about the role of an architect. The statement that, “Over time, the worlds of relief and development became divorced from the worlds of architecture and design” is, in my opinion, very worrisome. (Stohr 34) While architects do of course play a great role in housing, in many cases of disaster relief and development work, architects aren’t the first profession that comes to mind as a resolver of such issues. “Some employed architects but most depended on engineers to design and oversee the construction of projects.” (Stohr 40) These readings cover many global issues, however one detail that caught my attention was the repeated discussion of the role of the architect. Reading about these topics almost makes one wonder about the structure of our architectural education curriculum. In many cases, architecture students focus on the design of a single building, often taking into consideration the ‘site’, in what one could argue quite a superficial way. Hannes Meyer’s self definition of architecture sums it up quite well, “Architecture is a process of giving form and pattern to the social life of the community. Architecture is not an individual act performed by an artist-architect and charged with his emotions. Building is a collective action.” (Stohr 36)

And unlike the overall tone of Design Like You Give a Damn, architects are very much involved with the process of experimental housing. PRIVA-Lima, for example, is an international collaboration between architects in order to “test the concept of low-rise high-density housing.” (Garcia 27) The perfectly designed neighborhood. While PRIVA is a strong concept in many ways, I think one of the most important key factors is the way it’s designed with expansion in mind. This means that the family can expand their home based on their ever changing needs. PRIVA sees this issue with housing where there is no room for expansion and essentially results in a decrease in value of the site. However with this designed neighborhood, families would be able to adapt their homes based on their needs. This being said, the master plan is designed so that these expansions never causes over crowding as the layout resists a higher density. The article outlines that there are three main strategies; a pedestrian axis through the neighborhood, network of plazas and pedestrian passages, and traffic separation. (Garcia 28) While it’s usually easy to be negative about these kinds of ‘utopic’ ideas of neighborhoods and housing, I feel that this is actually a very strong design. For example, the design of this neighborhood also takes into consideration that each location is unique, and therefore offers a variety of opportunities that should not be limited by strict zoning plans on the part of the designers. The article talks about how these individual locations can create moments for entrepreneurship, which would increase the economy of the neighborhood. (Garcia 30) The fascinating thing about this is that while PRIVA ‘designs’ for these opportunities, they are instances that naturally develop in informal cities all across the world; as seen in Lagos, Mumbai, etc. So PRIVA is essentially, one could argue, a designed slum, without the ‘negative’ properties of a slum.

It’s almost as though the plan of the PRIVA could be copy and pasted all across the world, before slums actually develop, almost like a template for ‘slum’ development — which at that point would have to be called something else and not a ‘slum’. Of course, that would be in an ideal world, and we definitely don’t live in an ideal world. Foreseeing such needs is not always possible. As Slums and Urbanization describes it, the three elements in an urban complex are the railroad, the factory, and the slums. However, the reading talks about how “‘Free competition’ alone determined location, without thought of the possibility of functional planning.” (Mumford 17) There was no authority in the planning of the factory placements, accounting for noise and pollution from factories and making an effort to locate housing in different locations. In most cases, a lot of the issues came with the lack of consideration for the general public when designing the railroads (which were designed by engineers, not architects) where the “movement of trains was more important than the human objects”. (Mumford 19) It goes back to Hannes Meyer’s definition of architecture making a difference for the community. And while the education of the architect may seem to focused on the artist-architect charged with emotions, it is the architect who essentially tries to find a solution for housing that considers the residents. Because while aid workers consider these issues as planning and policy, architects see it as a design challenge. (Stohr 34)

 

Works Cited

Mumford, Lewis. The City in History: Its Origins, Its Transformations, and Its Prospects. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1961. Print.

Garcia-Huidobro, Fernando, Diego T. Torriti, and Nicolas Tugas. “The Experimental Housing Project (PREVI) Lima.” Architecture Design (2011): 26-31. Print.

Stohr, Kate. Design like You Give a Damn: Architectural Responses to Humanitarian Crises. New York, NY: Metropolis, 2006. Print.

Top-Down Towns

When reading about the industrial residential arrangements and comparing them to the PREVI-Lima project, the idea of bottom-up versus top-down communities came to mind. In both cases, the places where the local residents lived were “planned” in a top-down mentality, a contrast to the bottom-up concepts of emergence as discussed previously. And yet, within the top-down structure of urban organization lies the ability of the people of Lima to complete the housing project after the original planners were unable to do so. What makes the PREVI-Lima project so much more successful and humane than the industrial towns of the 19th century?

One initial point of interest in the top-down urban plan of these two sets of residential projects is that of the grand scheme. In both cases, housing was a necessity and a problem that needed to be solved. With the industrial towns, however, the housing was an afterthought. As described by Lewis Mumford in the book Slums and Urbanization, the plan started with the idea of profit and how to maximize gains from the prime placement of industries and railroads, and then an attempt followed to try and place as many dwellings for as little a price as could be engineered in the leftover space. Even in the less-than-livable towns this planning scheme created, there were still the basic elements of town planning: building structure and (some) utilities, doors and (some) windows, streets, etc. But it is the shirking of these efforts to the last priority that leaves them in such a lacking condition.

For the PREVI-Lima project, it’s as if all these factors that failed in the 19th century industrial towns were flipped and corrected, and in such a way that residents of the unfinished plan were able to understand and incorporate their own residential development into the local economy and community. The top-down order here was that of resident first, with profits and business coming from within the created community. As described in “The Experimental Housing Project (PREVI), Lima: The Making of a Neighbourhood,” “the PREVI experience demonstrates the importance of having a planning team with a comprehensive urban approach; since only with a complex and collective understanding of the urban phenomenon beyond the residential is it possible to create optimal strategies that enable its eventual users to continue the project’s development.” The top-down planning here felt it was important to include elements that keep the community alive and able to expand, as opposed to the strict, bare necessities of living provided by the industrial towns. These elements include the abilities for families to expand their houses, increase their income within the housing project, and the provision of purposeful pedestrian axis, traffic separation, and designated public spaces and plazas.

For top-down projects, as with any plan, those doing the planning and setting the wheels in motion have the greatest effect on the outcome of a project. With the PREVI-Lima project, its clear that with a comprehensive and purposeful design, a town can be created with enough momentum to even complete itself.

The role of architects

When thinking about “architect”, it’s often linked to formal planning and projects with large amount of money invested. However, architects are also needed for those with low-income, especially after disasters. Architects take the responsibility to transform disaster into a chance for development. In Stohr’s article “100 years of humanitarian” he describes that the role of architects is in serving the needs of those who could least afford their services.

The Depression in America, two world wars and natural disasters all brought architects in 20th century to the point to rethink their role as architects when they pursuit the technology progress in “modern era”.   Shelters and affordable housing became the focus of some architects at first half of twentieth century. However, with the widely spread of these proposals in post war era, more problems were raised around the world, which made these design more like an utopian idea, rather than policies with possibility of implementation.

The role of architects then needed to solve the division between “top down” policies and the “bottom up” emergence. Architects should work as mediation connecting this gap. Government and planers treat the poor as “million” instead of the problems and abilities for each individual when they start a large-scale project from a planner’s perspective. It leads to the fact that some of the “top down” projects cannot actually go down to the construction, like the problem of Prouve’s project that the prefabricated concrete, which successfully solved European housing crisis, was hardly promoted in developing country Ghana. On the other hand, architect Fathy realized this division between top decision and practices on site, and developed the housing project in New Gourna, Egypt with sustainable building techniques and local traditional material. Rather than taking the idea of “apostles of prefab and mess production” without understanding of the poverty of Egypt, Fathy’s proposal returned to the “bottom up” emergence system that individuals used for a long time without government’s planning. He believed that “each family will inevitably make it into a living work of art.” Stohr mentioned Fathy’s definition for the role architects as a “personal consultant yielding his or her training to the aspiration of the home owner and to the demands of local construction methods and material.” The role of architects should be like catalyst and lubricant that can make “top down” projects go through and arrive to individual practices. At the same time, emergence of “bottom up” housing should under the regulated and proposed from an overall perspective.

Education of an architect won’t end after graduation from an architecture school with second-and-third-hand knowledge. It’s usually more important for architects to learn those first hand knowledge from the local. The role of an architect should not limit in a utopian idea of his or her own knowledge, but more social responsibility.

How Can Architects Help?

In the past two hundred years, the world has undergone rapid, drastic changes that have altered how we live.  With the Industrial Revolution came a focus on the factory rather than the human being.  This meant that the living conditions of the workers fell far below previous standards, forcing up to twenty people to live in a single room (Mumford 21).  Unsafe living conditions only continued with the continual growth of cities throughout the twentieth century.  The question that architects must consider is how do we address these growing populations?

In One Hundred Years of Humanitarian Design, Kate Stohr discusses the importance of architects’ involvement in disaster relief and redevelopment projects.  The question of whether architects should be involved in the processes at all seems to be one with a simple answer.  Yes.  If we can help others, why not?  It is a matter of finding the correct method and design strategy for each location and situation.  Each and every area in need of new or improved housing is unique, and there will most likely not be a single solution to such an immense and wide-reaching problem.  However, there are a few factors that seem to create positive, lasting results no matter what the situation.  Community involvement has proven to be one of the most effective tools when redesigning or redeveloping areas.  For example, in Puerto Rico in 1949, a “government resettlement and land redistribution plan…[was started, in which] families were free to design and build their own homes using any method that made sense” (Stohr 43-44).  This gave them the ability to create their own houses without being forced into accepting a design that does not relate to the context or their specific needs.

In contrast with community involvement is prefabricated design, something that in the post

1: Levittown Cape Cod Kit of Parts

World War II era was one of the most useful tools that planners throughout the world had at their disposal.  With both the influx of veterans returning from war as well as the massive amount of destruction throughout Europe and Japan, prefabricated, often Modernist structures were a logical building type to move away from the old, pre-war state of mind, and into a new era.  Levittowns

2: Levittown Cape Cod Constructed

sprouted up all over the world, from Long Island, NY to Iran, Venezuela, Nigeria, France, and Israel (Stohr 46).  Pre fabricated housing such as Levittowns have not proved as useful for disaster relief situations, because often, even if the structure is a simple tent, it may not arrive on site early enough to make an immediate impact, nor will it provide much more than an extremely temporary solution to a permanent problem.

An additional necessity for a successful future for a project is ownership.  When squatters do not own their homes, they often lose the desire to rebuild or revitalize the existing structure since they live in constant fear of losing what they have.

3: 1978 to 2003 Adaptation of PREVI

This was addressed in PREVI, in Lima, Peru, because the new residents owned the homes and were encouraged to add to them as time and money allowed.  In fact, it was part of the project brief itself that the structures be easily added to.  This meant that they were invested in the future of their homes, and were free to make them into anything they wanted to.  The ability to adapt each home to the occupants specific needs creates a dynamic city with a variety of aesthetics that are each uniquely personal.  In this way, despite the standardized designs that each architect involved in PREVI created, each block no longer appears monotonous, but rather incredibly active, each house with its own character.

With the rise of NGO’s and aid organizations, architects have no excuse not to help those in need of well designed, sustainable homes.  We have the knowledge and skills to improve the living conditions of the immense percentage of our planet that currently lives in slums, yet somehow nothing is done about it.  Stohr’s article proves that between architects’ knowledge of building systems and planning, and the input of those in need of housing, relief and renewal projects can most certainly be successful.

 

 

1: http://starcraftcustombuilders.com/Architectural.Styles.Postwar.htm

2:http://invinciblearmor.blogspot.com/2010/08/cape-cod-original-levittown-house.html

Technology and the Movable City

Speed has always been a powerful word in the construction industry. It has paved the way for new technology, both low and high tech, cheap and expensive, low and high quality. Speed has also been key in shaping post disaster, post war, and rapidly developing areas. Prefabrication, historically has been the answer to these three great problems. That said, the innovative technology that many masterminds have come up with rarely sticks with prefabrication, unfortunately due mostly to cost.

The speed in construction came from a necessity to solve a problem. These problems throughout the ages have been as  varied as the solutions. The article 100 Years of Humanitarian Design catalogs the many prefabricated housing designs which made a mark on history. What it doesn’t catalog however is what can be called the final chapter, the slum dwelling. It is the culmination of all the different types prefabricated houses; including both good and bad qualities. As a lead up to this cumulative prefabricated housing typology, a background of its predecessors is in store.

To begin, an earthquake in the early 1900’s destroyed much of San Francisco. The answer to the housing lose problem was to supply its population with small prefabricated rentable wooden cottages. Worried about permanent squatters in the city’s parks, San Francisco set up a system where renters of the cottages would become owners if they moved them from the city’s parks onto a permanent lot. Several years later 5,343 of the original 5,610 had been relocated; solving multiple problems in one foul swoop.

Another example of prefabricated housing is the Sears house. These houses were available starting in 1908 and ending in 1940 and sold nearly 100,000 homes. These houses could be put up in about 90 days with around 30,000 parts delivered by train car. These models shined in both ease of constructability and quality of the end product. In addition these houses cost only a fraction of the average early to mid century home.

The last example of prefabricated house that will be covered was developed by futurist Buckminster Fuller called the Dymaxion House. Rethinking the conventional house which made “no structural advances in 5,000 years” Fuller designed a house which made efficient use of both materials and structure.This house although seemingly unrelated to the slums of today has one thing in common. The fact that it requires next to no maintenance (the outside of the Dymaxion House is clad in aluminum).

The slums of the world should be categorized as prefabrication in its most crude sense. As a way of further understanding this notion, consider what prefabrication means to the building; cheap, readily available materials, and easy to construct. This aligns almost directly with the dynamic assembly of a slum.

First, Most, if not all slum building materials are found materials; plywood, cinder-blocks, corrugated metal for example, making them both cheap and easy to obtain near and around slums. In addition, the construction of slums is done by the squatters  themselves, obviously this dictates them very easy to construct. To reiterate, the common slum dwelling is in essence the next chapter in cheap, disposable, movable, pseudo temporary housing, akin to a double wide trailer. The most important thing to note is that each and every new version of temporary housing typology was designed to solve a problem.

1) 100 Years of Humanitarian Design

2) Slums and Urbanization

3) PREVI-Lima

Learning From the Past

It is hard to believe that “developed” cities such as New York City, London, and others in Europe suffered issues of inadequate housing at some point in their history. Perhaps it is the mass commercialization of these cities as places of luxury and ultra-modernity that lets us forget but looking into history reveals a different story. The issue of informal housing has been present since the earliest city but only now that it has reached high levels of population due to mass migrations into cities that it has become a concern.

Old Nichol Slum in London’s East End. [3]

As Frederick Engels puts it, “Every city has one or more slums, where the working class is crowded together.” [1] The exact catalyst for mass migration into cities varies throughout history but in the case of many of these developed cities it was the onset of the industrial revolution. Nowhere was this more evident than in London in the late 19th century where industry took over and priority was given to mass production rather than the quality of the living conditions. Factories began to spring up next to residences and the inhabitants of the city became infected with all kinds of diseases brought on by the pollution from these factories. As Mumford states, “The factory became the nucleus of the new urban organism. Every other detail of life was subordinate to it.”[2]

Typical Housing Conditions inside the Old Nichol Slum. [4]

In the global south the outer rims of the city can be deemed the informal and surge as a response to migration from rural life and other factors. The factories in England which can be considered a part of the “formal” were actually the ones who brought the informality to the housing which surrounded it. Furthermore, the informality grew in the center of the city as opposed to the peripheries. The rich were not isolated from the effects of the industry and it became part of their everyday life to adapt to these conditions. The working class homes that already existed had to be redeveloped to the incoming number of new families looking for new work opportunities. Multi Room Apartments that once housed several families turned into single room family homes. The filth that ensued was immense and as Mumford puts it was, “a pith of foulness and filth was reached that the lowest serf cottage scarcely achieved in medieval Europe.” [2]
Dirtiness is an aspect that will forever be attached to the issue of slums. Perhaps it is the informality that seems to make it appear in bad condition or the disorganization that occurs as a result of large groups trying to create functioning livable systems in places that are less than appropriate for housing. The industrialization of England can then be seen as a comparison to the rapid urbanization of India where the desire to expand put at odds in crowded areas the living conditions of the inhabitants. It’s almost as if the form that takes shape in informal areas is a defense mechanism against the desire to growth.

Everyday Life in the London Slum. [4]

The dirtiness in the slums of England was a result of the residue from the nearby factories. However, it seems as if the fault was and still is placed upon the inhabitants of the informal for the deterioration of cities but perhaps many of these individuals need to reflect upon the footprint that their formalized living environment is causing in the city as whole. We many times defend rapid urbanization but if we look at history such as the case of industrialization in England what is considered necessary is not always the best.

 

 

1. Desai, Akshayakumar Ramanla. Slums (Bombay, Popular Prakashan [1970]) 15-23
2. Markus, Stevens. Engels, Manchester, and the working class. ( New York, Random House [1974]) 24-33

3. University of Michigan, accessed February 16, 2013, http://www.umich.edu/~risotto/maxzooms/ne/nej34.html

4. Affordable Housing Institute, accessed February 16, 2013, http://affordablehousinginstitute.org/blogs/us/2008/08/how-a-slum-dies-part-1-in-the-19th-century.html

 

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Pulsing City

Manuel DeLanda recognizes in the book “Nonorganic Life” that the practice of studying and perceiving phenomena in science is changing culturally (1). We have new technologies and have clearer and flexible views on the possibilities of nature that previously were not possible to see or to comprehend. At one point, all of western civilization thought the world was flat and there was no convincing otherwise, yet now we are capable of traveling to outer space and view the planet as a sphere. With the improvement in technology and more open conception of the world around us, we are recognizing science at a more biological level, rather than a physical level. Even in a controlled and constructed environment, there are factors which are unseen at one moment in time which can shed light on how a city grows and pulses as an organism.

 

On YouTube, you can find time lapse videos of the city of Vancouver (2). Although this city is a contemporary city, there are many systems and networks interacting that are clearly visible through a sped up video. It is clear to see the oscillations of the sun, tides and fog as they cause the city to light up or be hidden at certain times of day. At the same time, there are networks through the street grid which act as patterns and connections similar to neurons in the brain. It acts as a pattern that pulses with the flow of traffic. At the same time, lights in the buildings are switching on and off due to different reactions constantly. As DeLanda explains, these reactions are not counterintuitive and can be caused by several factors that are likely not to be represented in a linear model (3). Vancouver is constantly beating with life.

As architects, it is imperative to understand buildings as in the “Emergence in Architecture”. The Emergence and Design Group acknowledges that,

“Emergence requires the recognition of buildings not as singular and fixed bodies, but as complex energy and material systems that have a life span, and exist as part of the environment of other buildings, and as an iteration of a long series that proceeds by evolutionary development towards an intelligent ecosystem.”(4)

Although buildings are controlled and constructed objects, the effects to itself from the surrounding networks and systems as well as the effects of itself to the surrounding networks and systems are deeply imbedded in a higher organization.

 

There is a hierarchy in the city that links individual structures and beings together in a larger overarching institution with many layers of information. As more individuals link to the institution, it becomes more complex at one level of understanding, yet more refined at the higher level of understanding (5). With the technology and perspective society uses today, the complexities of organisms are revealed as sophisticated and clear systems.

 

 

  1. Nonorganic Life
  2. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_xMz2SnSWS4
  3. Nonorganic Life
  4. Emergence in Architecture
  5. Nonorganic Life

The Social/Political and Emergence

What I find most compelling about the framework set up by emergence is that their implications can cross over into the social/political.  After all, are not legal systems and social systems capable of creating new inputs that generate measurable change in the world of architecture?  Emergence should not only be understood in terms of technology’s ability to generate inventive and environmentally responsive forms.  Architecture can also be informed by changing social understandings.  For example, the nuclear family and racist legal structures facilitated the rise of suburbia in the United States and the notion of the “American Dream.”  In this case, social inputs generated specific formal outputs such as the division of land along (generally patriarchal) family lines, etc.  As a result, suburban spatial configurations and developments look similar across the entire United States, without too much differentiation based on geography.

The exciting potential lies in architectural speculation based on social change.  A queer architecture that rejects the heterosexual nuclear family as a given would most likely generate a wholly different spatial experience that is itself queer.  Of course, to have a “queer emergence” would require massive social upheavals that are more involved than changing a parameter on a computer screen or observing the social organization of ant colonies.  Such historic changes are possible when one considers the civil rights movement of the 60s, the Arab Spring or the Occupy movement.  Nevertheless, if emergence can be applied to the complexities of urban life, it can also comment on social transformations.  Rather than viewing form as the primary subject of emergence in architecture, maybe social conditions can inform program or overall spatial layout.

Studying emergence in relation to architecture and urbanism also has the potential to blur boundaries between understandings of class and other social divisions.  While whitewashing the demographics of a city would have disastrous political consequences, viewing urbanism in its entirety along the lines of emergence could demonstrate how seemingly separate social systems manage to intersect or interact.

A class analysis of emergence could draw from the contradictions outlined in Engels’ The Condition of the Working Class in England, specifically his descriptions of “mixed-used” industrial/agricultural quarters in working class neighborhoods.  Here, Engels outlines the interaction between high-density housing which included courtyards for pigs where the residents were forced to dispose of waste.  Emergent issues of oscillation could be applied to changes in environmental qualities for residents.  Engels inadvertently observed what can be understood as oscillation when he states, “The couple of hundred houses, which belong to old Manchester, have been long since abandoned by their original inhabitants; the industrial epoch alone has crammed into them the swarms of workers whom they now shelter,” (Engels 80).  With the impending climate crisis and massive inequalities in wealth distribution, we may be able to recognize emergent patterns in human migration, especially on an urban level.  This could suggest that informality will become not only widespread but the urban cultural norm.

 

Engels, Friedrich. The Condition of the Working Class in England. N.p.: n.p., n.d. Web. 11 Feb. 2013. <http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/download/pdf/condition-working-class-england.pdf>.